When I was studying educational research, there
was a particular model, generally applied to informal education, that
I became particularly taken with. From the first, I though that it
may be applicable to liberal Quakers. Communities of Practice
are a theoretical model developed by Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger,
hereafter referred to as Lave & Wenger. It is a model of what is
called situated learning,
wherein learning is not considered the transfer of knowledge and
skills from those who already possess them to those who do not, but
rather the development of knowledge and skills within a social
situation.
A community of
practice is, unsurprisingly given the name, defined by commonality of
practice. Where a community of practice has many units, such as local
branches, one characteristic that determines that it is truly a
single community of practice is that someone who normally
participates in a single branch could participate in any branch
without special notice or preparation, and that practice would be
sufficiently similar between the two that the visitor can fully
participate. It is this compatibility and centrality of practice that
differentiates a community of practice from a community of interest,
which the community is bound primarily by a common interest of some
sort. In addition, most knowledge is tacit, gained from some sort of
experience, rather than delivered in a didactic manner or reified in
documentation.
The classic
examples covered by Lave & Wenger include Yucatán midwives,
Liberian tailors, Alcoholics Anonymous groups, and (perhaps most
surprisingly) American insurance claim processors. In all of these
groups, learning is not through reading documentation or
classroom-style learning, but through things picked up from the
community itself in less formal ways. The insurance clerks are
something of an exception, by which they become a particularly
interesting case, especially relevant to the case of Quakers. While
they did receive training in the official procedures, and all of the
forms they process have official documentation, this training and
documentation fails to fully prepare them for practice, in which many
shadow procedures developed – seemingly spontaneously within the
community. Codings are not used precisely as defined, elements of
official procedure supplemented or circumvented, in order to lead to
a system that works in practice, not only more smoothly than that
described in official documentation, but that covers up the gaps in
that system, whereby things would become stuck or be found
unclassifiable.
One of the key
characteristics of a well-functioning community of practice is the
role of legitimate peripheral participation.
The community can be viewed as a well-defined space, with people
inside that space when they are members of the community. Legitimate
peripheral participation is the means by which new members are drawn
into the community. They thus engage in some activity which is
permitted to new people, but is a key factor in the practice –
hence legitimate –
but which does not require great experience or expertise – hence
peripheral. As they
develop competence and comfort with this peripheral activity, with
appropriate support from seasoned members of the community, they
become able to legitimately move into activities that are more
central to the community.
So a participant
in an Alcoholics Anonymous meeting will start by attending meetings,
and witnessing the story-telling that is key to the practice of that
community; they will start attempting to tell their story themselves,
and develop competence in that participation; they will become
attached to a sponsor, a seasoned member of the community, who will
give them personal support both in their recovery and in their
centripetal motion within the community. As they move to more central
activities, they may become a sponsor themselves, and take on
informal leadership roles – or in some cases, move into more formal
roles, or take on the duty of becoming part of the nucleus of a new
meeting.
Likewise, an
apprentice tailor will observe a master tailor at work, possibly with
the master giving some explanation of what they are doing, in some
simple task – such as cutting material to a pattern. They will then
be invited to do the cutting themselves, with some oversight, and
eventually do it independently, at the same time as being invited to
observe and begin working on more advanced tasks. As they engage in
more advanced tasks, and are subject to less supervision, they move
towards the centre of the community of practice, and will eventually
be trusted with the supervision of new apprentices, finally reaching
the status of master themselves.
In both cases,
much of what is learned is tacit. By seeing how an experienced member
of the community of practice undertakes the activities of that
community, they see how it is done; by having their own efforts
corrected, they identify their errors and understand them. Whether
they can articulate why something was a mistake is secondary, but
they will generally understand some of those reasons without being
able to articulate them. Likewise, it would be very difficult to
communicate this sort of knowledge by the methods of formal
education, classes and lectures and texts.
Now, we Quakers
are pretty fond of texts, by and large. Any British Quaker Meeting
House is likely to have a collection of books, starting with Quaker
faith & practice and one
or more Bibles, but generally continuing to books on the history of
Quakers, books offering advice on Quaker roles, books discussing
theoretical and theological explanations for Quaker activities.
Likewise, courses are offered at various places to help understand
Quaker practice, including Woodbrooke
courses on Quaker roles or theology, or the extended courses like
Equipping for Ministry or the Young Adult Leadership Programme. On
the other side of the Atlantic, we see similar offerings at Pendle
Hill, and there are smaller venues around the world offering a
range of courses. However, I understand it to be the experience of
many Friends that handbooks and courses are most useful as
introductions or summaries, or to deepen the understanding of people
who already have a good handle on the practical aspects; I have known
more Quakers than I could count who have asserted that the only way
to really understand Quaker practices, especially the more spiritual
ones, is to do them – a clear indication that the knowledge and
skills involved in becoming competent in those practices is largely
tacit.
In fact, a lot of
role courses at Woodbrooke include participatory or role-play
elements; the longer-term courses involve major project work and
long-term reflective learning. The role training I have been on was
best appreciated, in my opinion, by people who had already done a bit
of work in that role before coming to Woodbrooke for training, even
the largely technical training for Quaker Trustees. Participatory
elements are just good learning theory being applied – people learn
better how to do things when they do them. However, if my perception
is correct that one can get more out of the courses when one has
experience actually doing what you are being trained to do, that is
strongly indicative of the importance of tacit knowledge in the
practice in question.
The existence of
these texts, and these elements of formal training, juxtaposed with
the clear need to develop tacit knowledge that is not adequately
communicated – I would say, cannot be adequately communicated –
in the form of texts and formal training, sets clear parallels with
the case of the insurance claim processors. Texts and training form a
useful beginning, which it can be difficult to get along without, but
they must be supplemented by experiential learning developed in the
community. This is developed by observing the practice of others,
participating in it, and receiving feedback where appropriate. I
would hope that, unlike the claim processors, there is not an
erroneous assumption organisationally that the informal, tacit
development is central, and only optionally supplemented by
community-based informal learning.
So, are Quakers a
community of practice? Well, not all Quakers around the world.
Practices across the different Quaker traditions are very
different, and even between different Yearly Meetings in the same
tradition there are differences in terminology and practice that
would make transplantation more difficult than in an ideal community
of practice. But I can certainly see how a single Yearly Meeting
comes closer to that criterion. While there will always be local
traditions and variations in practice, the essential basics of the
practice are such that those differences can be picked up on and
adapted to quite quickly.
If we are a
community of practice, our smooth functioning and perpetuation are
dependent on legitimate peripheral participation and practices
leading to centripetal motion within the community. The most basic
legitimate peripheral participation is the foundation stone of our
entire practice – Meeting for Worship. Our Meetings are open to the
public, and anyone can come along and start to see what is happening.
By continuing to come along, they will ideally get a sense of what is
being done – we may supplement this with explanations, pamphlets
and handbooks, but you can never understand it properly without the
tacit knowledge brought by experience. Centripetal motion comes with
various activities: ministering in worship, participating in Meeting
for Worship for Business, taking on informal voluntary tasks (like
doorkeeping or bring flowers for the Meeting Room table), being
nominated to formal roles. Becoming an elder or overseer, a
treasurer, a clerk, or serving on the myriad committees it seems to
take to run a Meeting.
So, we can see
suitably-sized units of the Religious Society of Friends each as a
community of practice. It's a pleasant enough intellectual exercise,
but what good does it do? Well, it gives us an extra set of tools for
looking at what we're doing and what we could do better. Does the
support we give newcomers in, around, before and after Meeting for
Worship provide good legitimate peripheral participation? Are they
encouraged to identify as part of the community as they become
involved at this early stage, and given the support needed to develop
the tacit knowledge we have almost forgotten learning ourselves? Do
our outreach activities properly interest people and open the door to
this peripheral participation? Is there an audience that may be
interested in being part of our community for whom this form of
peripheral participation is not suitable, and do we offer appropriate
alternatives in ways that they will be aware of and able to find?
I don't have the
answers to all of these questions. I have some thoughts and ideas,
but they are no more valuable than other people's, and I'd really
like to hear what other people think. Does this model make sense to
you? What can we learn from it, and how do we shape up when we
examine ourselves though this lens?
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Did you enjoy this post, or find it interesting, informative or stimulating? Do you want to keep seeing more of these posts? Please consider contributing to my Patreon. More information is available in the post announcing my use of Patreon.